Throughout Ukraine’s modern history, America’s Russia policy has played a major role in Ukraine’s affairs. Since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine in 2014, the U.S. has led the international effort to thwart Putin’s war.
As the only country in the world defending itself against armed aggression by Moscow, Ukraine is at the front-line of international efforts to halt the Russian menace.
This is why, in light of the recent renewed calls for “normalizing” relations with Russia, our group of political leaders, experts, and intellectuals from Ukraine and the diaspora feel compelled to contribute to the revived debate on America’s Russia policy.
The world simply cannot afford another American “reset” with Russia. On the contrary, we appeal to the U.S. to pursue a more robust policy to address Moscow’s hostile actions which undermine the global security order.
A new reset based on old narratives
Calls for a new “reset” are grounded in fallacious narratives Moscow has been advancing for years, especially the notion of Russian exceptionalism.
According to the Kremlin, Russia is a nation whose interests have a privileged standing in world affairs, entitled to coerce other nations into its sphere of influence, “protect” Russian speakers anywhere they are, and suppress human rights and freedoms at home under its “managed democracy” form of governance. Moscow is trying to convince the world that Russia is “owed” special consideration for its interests after having been “unjustly victimized” by the West after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Above all, Russia wants to be perceived as a global super power with a leading role in all world affairs.
But the world must face what Russia is today.
An authoritarian mafia regime which relies on the oppressive imperialist, chauvinist, and revanchist ideology of “Russkiy mir”, Russia is the main exporter of various threats and instability in the world.
Putin’s quest for global power, and resulting rivalry with the West, relies on Russia’s aggressive stance to compensate for its lack of economic and technological competitiveness.
The scale of Moscow’s attack on the world order is massive, with liberal democracies as the prime targets. To overpower its opponents, Russia brutally violates international law with actions that unequivocally demonstrate it is a rogue terrorist state threatening global peace:
- armed aggression against Georgia and Ukraine;
- war crime atrocities in Syria, Ukraine, and Georgia;
- nuclear threat against Ukraine and proliferation of nuclear weapons in Russia-occupied Crimea;
- acts of terror abroad: cyber attacks, political assassinations using weapons of mass destruction and chemical warfare, shoot down of passenger jet MH17;
- occupation of sovereign territories of Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine, including the illegal annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region;
- ethnic cleansing, ethnocide, and other gross human rights violations in Russia-occupied territories: politically motivated assassinations, political imprisonments (including 132 Ukrainian political prisoners, seventeen more than just a year ago), extraterritorial prosecutions, intimidation by violence, abduction, unlawful prosecution, and discrimination based on ethnicity and religion;
- political, economic and military support for authoritarian regimes in Belarus, Syria, Venezuela, and elsewhere;
- subversion of democratic processes around the world: interference with UK and Dutch referendums, disinformation warfare attacks on American, Ukrainian, and other elections, attempted coup d'état in Montenegro, backing of political entities with Russia-friendly agendas, including extremist radicals, populists, and neo-Nazi groups;
- subversive, worldwide propaganda effort: disinformation, hate propaganda targeting various social groups and nations, especially Americans and Ukrainians;
- economic pressure and energy blackmail of European nations; etc.
The Kremlin is fixated on undermining the United States in particular because a weakened America will cripple the current international legal order which has restrained Russia’s aggressive ambitions. Moscow craftily exploits anti-American sentiments abroad to find new partners and deprive the U.S. of reliable allies.
Moscow is determined to submit Kyiv to its influence because a free Ukraine is a driver of democratic change in formerly Soviet-occupied nations, threatening Putin’s power projection in the region and beyond. This is why one of the goals of Putin’s “might makes right” strategy is to recreate the 1945 Yalta Conference and redraw the lines of Moscow’s “sphere of influence”. Moscow wants the West to once again agree to sacrifice the sovereignty of nations neighbouring Russia, and legitimize Russia’s global power claims.
Appeasement never works
Reset advocates urge the American government to put the relationship with Russia on a more constructive path. But this move — taken before Moscow ceases its hostile actions — sounds like nothing other than a dressed up strategy of appeasement.
History teaches that dictatorial regimes cannot be appeased. The more concessions dictators manage to extort, the more emboldened they feel.
NATO’s 2008 rejection of Ukraine and Georgia’s applications for the Membership Action Plan set the stage for Russia’s armed aggression against Georgia later that year. The 2009 “reset” of relations primed Russia for its unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. A feeble response of “concern” to Russia’s initial occupation of Crimea emboldened Putin to illegally annex the Ukrainian peninsula.
Constantly shifting red lines, a response of “political dialogue” with Putin when support for Ukraine’s military defence was needed, and American inaction on its obligations under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances paved the way for Moscow’s military invasion and occupation of parts of Ukraine’s Donbas region.
Despite being given every incentive to reverse its destructive course, Russia has continued to escalate its aggression. Putin has chosen not to take any face saving exit because he is counting on cutting a better deal by continuously raising the stakes.
We can only imagine what will follow should Moscow be granted a new reset today.
We encourage the American government to learn from its own past dealings with Russia particularly since today’s criminal regime in Moscow is the same one of the 2009 reset.
Moscow’s aggression must be countered
As we have seen for almost three decades, “political dialogue” with Russia only invites further escalation. Putin uses all means available to him to construct circumstances that strengthen Moscow’s bargaining position vis-a-vis the international community.
The international community has been pursuing the path of diplomacy for years to deal with Russian occupation in Moldova and Georgia with no progress on de-occupation.
The response to Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine went further with the introduction of an international sanctions regime; condemnation of Russia’s violations of international law by national governments and international institutions; removing Russia from the G7; providing Ukraine with military assistance; and impeding the construction of Russia’s subversive Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline with meaningful sanctions.
While the limited sanctions regime helped prevent Russia’s military aggression from dramatically escalating, it did not sufficiently deprive Russia of resources to force Moscow out of Ukraine. A stronger approach is needed.
Different treatment of Moscow’s violations of international law
The approach in dealing with Russia’s violations of international law is radically different from how Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait was repressed just three decades ago. There are two main reasons for this: Moscow’s usurped seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and Russia’s nuclear capability.
Russia’s use of its veto right in the UNSC prevents proper UN action to restore peace to Ukraine, showing a drastic need for reform of this organization. The world is less secure because the UNSC is not capable of performing its core function of promoting world peace.
Exploiting the fear of nuclear confrontation is one of Moscow’s favourite tools of intimidation. Russia has used this threat against Ukraine.
Moscow’s threat of nuclear attack
In 1994, Ukraine gave up the world's third biggest nuclear arsenal in exchange for security assurances from the U.S., Russia, and Great Britain (later, China and France) when it signed the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances and joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Moscow violated its Budapest Memorandum obligations to never use force - including using the threat of nuclear attack - against Ukraine when Russia used its nuclear status to intimidate Ukraine into constraining its military defence in response to Moscow’s military invasion of Crimea in 2014. Russian state propaganda was threatening to turn Ukraine to ashes, and Russian parliament authorized Putin to use military force in Ukraine, allowing Putin to strike with full military might. Had Ukraine responded militarily in Crimea, it would have increased the risk of a situation that could trigger Russia’s use of nuclear weapons.
A year later, in March 2015, Putin confirmed that such a risk was indeed high, when he acknowledged that during Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014, he was ready to put Russia's nuclear weapons on standby. Despite this nuclear threat hanging over it, when Russia continued its military invasion into eastern Ukraine, threatening to occupy roughly half the country, Kyiv had no option but to respond militarily.
Had it not, Russia would have fragmented the country to the sound of the international community’s diplomatic statements of “concern”.
Importantly, by attacking Ukraine and re-nuclearizing occupied and annexed Crimea, Russia directly undermined the international nuclear non-proliferation regime that the American government had invested enormous efforts to establish.
The Budapest Memorandum confers two clear positive obligations on the U.S. should Ukraine become a victim of an act of aggression. First, “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council action to provide assistance to Ukraine”. Second, to “consult” when Ukraine’s sovereignty is under attack. Regretfully, the U.S. has not fully exhausted the tools available at the United Nations to push back against Russia’s warring regime and restore peace in Ukraine.
The U.S. can still honour its obligation “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council (UNSC) action to provide assistance to Ukraine” by taking action to repress Putin’s aggression at the Security Council.
The obstacle of Russia’s UNSC veto power can be overcome using the U.N.’s “Uniting for Peace” resolution, which provides the General Assembly power to act should the UNSC fail to exercise its responsibility to maintain international peace. Washington should also initiate the suspension of Russia’s vote in the U.N. using the 1974 South African precedent when its delegation was suspended from participation in the GA for crimes of apartheid.
World nuclear stability is safeguarded not only by the number of warheads America and Russia point at each other, but also by the robustness of the security assurances given to the nations, like Ukraine, which joined the non-proliferation regime. If remaining non-nuclear means becoming the prey of nuclear states, nations will continue the arms race.
By fulfilling its legal commitments to Ukraine, America will contribute to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime by reassuring other nations they have support if attack by a nuclear state.
It is time for an honest and moral policy towards Russia.
While it is for America to determine its policies, we ask that when designing its Russia policy, the American government remember that a new “reset” of relations will serve to unjustly reward Russia for willfully and flagrantly committing human rights abuses, wars of aggression, war crimes, and other violations of key tenets of international law. It will also condemn millions to live in fear for their lives and liberty.
America cannot become a tacit accomplice to Putin’s dictatorial regime.
In the twenty-first century, we should not allow nations which gravely violate international law to benefit from their own violations. Criminal governments committing atrocities cannot be treated with respect. They should be brought to accountability.
Moscow does not deserve special treatment as a world super power. It should be treated as other rogue nations that threaten world peace. The U.S. has contained the threat of outlaw nations by pursuing policies that isolate them, deprive them of resources for hostile actions, and even repress their aggression with military might. Washington should be consistent and apply the same approach to Russia.
A new “reset” will allow Russia to undermine our societies from within with impunity. The Kremlin is sowing hatred to exploit divisions in our societies. It is corrupting and subverting institutions, co-opting business and political elites, and disarming our societies so we cannot resist its subversion.
We call on the United States not to resign itself to accepting the dominating nationalistic and chauvinistic beliefs of Russian society brainwashed by a steady diet of hateful propaganda. We owe it to the victims of Putin’s crimes around the world to try to change Russia’s ideological “framework” of hatred. We owe it to future generations that may be deprived of democracy and freedom should Putin’s destructive vision for the world prevail.
It is time to stop futilely waiting for Putin’s change of heart.
America and its allies have many tools to drive democratic change in Russia, from supporting pro-democracy and human rights groups, and oppressed national groups, to going after dirty Russian money laundered in the West. They also have the tools to put Moscow in a position where it has no choice but to end its aggressive foreign policies.
The U.S. can help achieve this goal by going after Russian oligarchs and organizations acting as extensions of the Russian government, as well as other accomplices of the Kremlin's aggressive and subversive actions in the West. Russia should be recognized as a state sponsor of terrorism. The Russian “private” “Wagner” army, as well as its occupation administrations in Ukraine, must be recognized as terrorist organizations. Russian officials responsible for violations of human rights and gross violations of international law must be sanctioned. Those responsible for war crimes should be declared war criminals, and submitted to the International Criminal Court for prosecution.
The U.S. has a right to demand that Moscow adhere to the UN Charter. Russia sanctions should be proportional to Moscow’s violations of international law and steadily increased until it changes course.
America can also play a pivotal role by formally and officially recognizing Russia as the aggressor state responsible for waging unlawful interstate war against Ukraine. It is frustrating that for over six years the international community has played along with Moscow’s denial of its role in the multi-vectored war against Ukraine by describing the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine as “Russia-backed separatism”. This recognition of Russia as the aggressor will further unlock the toolkit to help force Russia stop waging war against Ukraine, and help bring about a just peace to the victim.
The US cannot just draw the line at its doorstep to contain Russia. By subverting other nations, Russia becomes stronger and the international legal order weaker. The United States is only as strong as its network of allies around the world. Free and democratic Ukraine is one of America’s partners. A Ukraine subverted and subsumed by Moscow cannot be. This is why we also ask that the United States support Ukraine’s aspirations to join NATO.
Putin has been able to extend Russia’s destructive influence because his aggressive actions have not faced a formidable deterrent. We appeal to the United States to regain its will to build such deterrents to protect world democracy from Russia.
We can stop Putin together. Assertive and principled international action under bold U.S leadership can bring an end to Russia’s destructive ambitions, and make our countries and the world safer from Putin’s threat.
Political and legal analyst, Director, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Chair, National Interests Advocacy Network ANTS, Chair Zero Corruption Conference, Member of Ukrainian Parliament and Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs, 2014-2019
Legal expert, Chairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Viktor YushchenkoPresident of Ukraine, 2005-2010
Prime Minister of Ukraine, 1999-2001
Kateryna YushchenkoFirst Lady, 2005-2010
Chairperson, Ukraine 3000 Foundation
Mustafa DzhemilevMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Former Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
Akhtem ChiygozMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Deputy Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
Putin’s prisoner 2015-2017
Ivanna Klympush-TsintsadzeMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Chair of the Committee on Ukraine's Integration into the EU
Deputy Prime Minister on European and Euro Atlantic Integration of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Iryna GeraschenkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament
First Deputy Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019
Andriy ParubiyMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019
Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine, 2014
Volodymyr ArievMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Vice-President, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 2015, 2018
President, PACE Committee on Culture, Science, Education ad Media, 2016-2017
Oleksiy HoncharenkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
Iryna FrizMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Minister of Veterans Affairs, 2018-2019
Gerasimov ArturMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykola KniazhytskyiMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Maria IonovaMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Volodymyr ViatrovychMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Sofia FedynaMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykola VelychkovichMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Maksym SavrasovMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykhaylo BondarMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Solomiia BobrovskaMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Yulia KlymenkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Andriy OsadchukMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Yaroslav YurchyshynMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Lesia VasylenkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Sviatoslav YurashMember of Ukrainian Parliament
Oksana SyroidVice Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament 2014-2019
Hanna HopkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs
Svitlana ZalishchukMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Foreign Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ukraine
Oksana YurynetsMember of the Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Head of Ukrainian Delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly
Leonid YemetsMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2014-2019
Viktor VovkMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Deputy Head, Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs
Pavlo RizanenkoMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019
Andriy LevusMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Victoria VoytsitskaMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Vladyslav GolubMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Oleksii MushakMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Victoria PtashnykMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Ostap YednakMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network
Natalya VeselovaMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Serhiy VysotskyiMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Olena SotnykMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Yaroslav KendziorMember of Ukrainian Parliament, 1990-1994, 1994-1998, 1998-2002, 2002-2006, 2006-2007, 2007-2012
Stepan KubivFirst Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Chairman of National Bank of Ukraine, 2014
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014
Pavlo KlimkinMinister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2014-2019
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Germany, 2012-2014
Volodymyr OhryzkoMinister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2007-2009
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Austria, 1999-2004
Leonid PolyakovDeputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, 2005-2008, 2014
Petro StetsiukJudge of the Constitutional court of Ukraine, 2006-2016
Serhii HaidukAdmiral, Commander of the Ukrainian Navy, 2014-2016
Serhiy KvitMinister of Education of Ukraine, 2014-2016
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Volodymyr OmelyanMinister of Infrastructure of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Yevhen NyshchukMinister of Culture, 2014, 2016-2019
Dmytro ZolotukhinDeputy minister of Information Policy of Ukraine, 2017-2019
Valeriy ChalyFormer Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the USA, 2015-2019
Chair, Ukraine Crisis Media Center
Yuriy ShcherbakAmbassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Israel, 1992-1994, the United States,1994-1998, Canada, 2000-2003
Nazar BobitskiFormer Head of the Trade and Economic Section of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union
Yaroslav SydorovychFormer Head of Reforms Department at Presidential office, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network
Yuri ShymkoFormer Member of Canadian Parliament
Former President of the Ukrainian World Congress
Borys WrzesnewskyjFormer Member of Canadian Parliament
Former Chair of the Canadian NATO Parliamentary Association
Andriy J. SemotiukFormer Tribunal Panel Member, Canadian Human Rights Commission
Former U.N. Correspondent
Kenneth T. HepburnFormer Senior Assistant Deputy Minister, Government of Canada
Myroslav MarynovychFirst of December Initiative Group
Former Soviet prisoner of conscience
Ihor KozlovskyPresident of the Center for Religious Studies
First of December Initiative Group
Former prisoner of the Russian occupation regime
Joseph ZisselsFirst of December Initiative Group
Strategic Council of the Capitulation Resistance Movement
Yevhen ZakharovChairperson, Kharkiv Human Rights Group
Chairperson, Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Group
First of December Initiative Group
Victor RudChairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian American Bar Association
(in his personal capacity)
Andrij DobrianskyChair, UWC International Council on UN Affairs
Ariana GicDirector, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Adrian KaratnyckySenior Fellow, Atlantic Council
Walter ZaryckyjDirector, Center for US-Ukrainian Relations
Myroslava OleksiukCanadian Group for Democracy in Ukraine
Marta FarionPresident, Kyiv-Mohyla Foundation of America
Rustem IrsayPresident, Canadian Association of Crimean Tatars
Mykhailo ZhernakovJudge of the Vinnytsia District Administrative Court, 2012-2015
Chair, DEJURE Foundation
Oleksandr PotyekhinInstitute of World History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Former Embassy of Ukraine in the USA, 2000-2005
Taras BerezovetsUkrainian Institute for the Future, CEO at Free Crimea
Kateryna SmagliyChief of Foreign Cooperation at Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine
Next Generation Leader, McCain Institute
Olexiy HaranResearch Director, Democratic Initiatives Foundation
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Roman SohnChairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Pavlo ZhovnirenkoChairman, Center for Strategic Studies
Former Chairman of the Bilateral Working Group on International Policy of the American-Ukrainian Advisory Committee,1995 – 1998
Mykhailo GoncharPresident, CGS Strategy XXI
Chief Editor of the Black Sea Security Journal
Nadiia KovalForeign Policy Council "Ukrainian Prism"
Maksym KhylkoChairman, East European Security Research Initiative Foundation
Vitaliy RazikDirector of Law and Democracy Foundation
Dr.Hab. Prof. Borys BabinAssociation of Reintegration of Crimea
Volodymyr HorbachInstitute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
Yevhen FedchenkoChief editor, StopFake
Director, Kyiv-Mohyla school of journalism
Sergiy TaranDirector, International Democracy Institute
Yevhen ShkolnyiCentre for Policy and Legal Reform
Valerii PekarNational Reforms Council, 2014-2016
Kyiv-Mohyla Business School
Ihor KoziiInstitute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
Natalya BelitserPylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy
Oleksandra MatviychukCivil Liberties Centre
Olena RozvadovskaChairwoman, Voices of Children Fund
Roman MotychakUkrainian Financial Forum
Natalia PopovychUkrainian Crisis Media Center
Vasyl MyroshnychenkoUkraine Crisis Media Center
Volodymyr YermolenkoInternews Ukraine, UkraineWorld.org
Michael P. HrycakLieutenant Colonel, US Army, Retired
Roman HrubyFormer Foreign Service Officer, Global Affairs, Canada
Nicholas A. TurinskiRetired Public Servant, Canadian Federal Government
Alexandra ChalupaPresident, Chalupa & Associates
Orest HaluszkaVice President, Ukrainian Canadian Professional and Business Association
Oksana Bashuk HepburnFormer President U*CAN Ukraine Canada Relations Inc.
Lada L. RoslyckyBlack Trident Defence and Security Consulting Group
Chrystya WereszczakPresident, Women's Association for the Defense of Four Freedoms for Ukraine
Mykola HryckowianPresident, Organization for Defense of Four Freedoms of Ukraine
Lisa ShymkoPresident, Ukraine Support Fund
Yuri ShevchukColumbia University
Vassyl LonchynaUniversity of Chicago
George V. PinchukMississippi University for Women
Ksenia MaryniakUniversity of Alberta
Maksym SviezhentsevWestern University
Roman SerbynUniversité du Québec à Montréal
Volodymyr BilotkachSingapore Institute of Technology
Volodymyr BogdanovUniversity of Lyon
Alex Nikolsko-RzhevskyyLehigh University
Anatoly OleksiyenkoUniversity of Hong Kong
Igor AizenbergManhattan College, New York
Yuriy V. KostyuchenkoNational Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
Kateryna Ivashchenko-StadnikInstitute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Oleksandr BakaiNational Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Serhiy RiabchenkoNational Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yaroslav YatskivNational Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Olena StiazhkinaInstitute of Ukraine’s History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Konstantin SigovNational University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Olia HnatiukNational University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Mykola AlexandrovTaras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
Volodymyr KuznietsovKyiv Law University
Lyudmyla PavlyukIvan Franko National University of Lviv
Petro KuzykIvan Franko National University of Lviv
Anatolij KarasIvan Franko National University of Lviv
Ostap KryvdykUkrainian Catholic University
Yulia NavrotskaUkrainian Catholic University
Ihor TodorovUzhhorod National University
Sergiy FedunyakYuriy Fed'kovych Chernivtsi National University
Andriy PavlyshynUkrainian Catholic University, Ukrainian PEN-Club
Mykola RyabchukHonorary President of the Ukrainian PEN-Club
Victor MorozovUkrainian PEN-Club
Oleksiy PanychPhilosopher, Ukrainian PEN-Club
Ihor KulykDirector, State archive of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance
Bohdan UstymenkoFormer Principal Deputy Head of the State Hydrographic Service of Ukraine
Nataliia SlobodianHead of analytics and international division, NPC Ukrenergo
Yuri KushnirPresident, Canada-Ukraine Parliamentary Program Alumni Association
Gennadiy DruzenkoDirector for Central and Eastern Europe of Williams WorldWide Group
Mykhailo GolubDirector, TLFRD Ukraine
Andrii RyzhenkoMaritime Security expert, Captain (Navy) retired
Oleksandr IvanovCapitulation Resistance Movement
Liubov VelychkoInvestigative journalist
Peter ZalmayevTV host, Pryamyi
Ayder MuzhdabaevJournalist, Crimean Tatar ATR TV station
Taras VoznyakChief editor, Cultural Magazine "Ї"
Yuriy LukanovJournalist, author of “The Press: how Russia destroyed media freedom in Crimea”
Olga TokariukIndependent journalist and documentary filmmaker
Oksana ForostynaPublisher, writer
Oleksiy StepanovskiyIT business executive
Roman GicChartered Professional Accountant
Yehor BrailianHistorian, journalist
Adrianna StechThe Ukrainian Society of Hong Kong
Ulia LordSinger and songwriter
Walter TeresArtistic Director
Akhtem Seitablaiev Director, actor
Pasha Skorokhodko Director, actor
Natasha GolimbiyevskaFormer Principal Dancer Veryovka National Ukrainian Dance Ensemble
Fedir StryhunDirector, Artist
Ksenia MaryniakCanadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta
Oleksandr MarusiakCentre for Policy and Legal Reform, Ukrainian Bar Association
Vadym TriukhanLawyer, diplomat
Andrew BeckwithResearch scientist, gravitational astronomy, physics
Dmytro MalyiInformation Technology specialist
Robert Ashker KraftMusician, Actor
Denise A. LorenzRetired-USPS
Mar KlieverLegal assistant
Sandra KellyRetired Biologist
Tal M. KitronAttorney
Irena LasotaDirector, IDEE
Keith A. BowdenOffice Documents Manager
Clarisse Teepe-FryrearRetired Educator
Gracie MarquezDomestic Engineer
Ruth RieglerEditor, co-founder Radio Free Syria
Marita WoodsDawson Solutions
Kurt AshCFO, OGO
Yelena TkachenkoLA LGBT Center
Markian B. SileckyAttorney
Julie ParkerRetired Attorney
David SowardsProfessor of the Humanities
Tory BlueManager Software Engineering
Lev HavrylivMedical Practitioner
Annette RojasDepartment Coordinator – Legal & Regulatory Affairs
Hannah SalomeSupport worker
Brenda ShafieiQuality Director
Biff JohnsonProgrammer / Analyst
Amy AidmanProfessor Emeritus
Mridula GhoshEast European Development Institute
Yevgen PogribnyiIT programmer
Rachael IwanczukSecretary, United Help Ukraine
Aija UzulenaTanslator, Dienas Grāmata Publishers
Yarko TymciurakSystems Engineer / Teamwork Trainer
Sujit PalData Scientist
Theodor K. MarshalleseRetired
Oleksandr LobakovSoftware Engineer
Suren KocharyanCo-founder, Information and Analytical Center Euro Kharkiv
Svetoslav NahumAuthor, Escape from Crimea
Oles IlchenkoPEN Ukraine
Eric ChenowethCo-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe
Alexander GrushevskyInternational Development Consulting
Ludmyla SemeniukSocial Services
Myroslav HaiDirector, Foundation "Mir and Co"
Lyudmila KremenaMedical Doctor
Mykola MowczanPresident, Ukrainian Association of Western Australia Inc.
Oleksii NazarenkoOperator LM Wind Power Blades Poland
Steve LezanRetired millwright
Sergiy SokilUkrainian Army Sergeant
Yuriy GoncharenkoCapitulation Resistance Movement, Foundation for Assistance of Democratic Initiatives
Strohanova OksanaSocial activist
Nestor VolyaPublic initiative #infoWARTA
Olga BertelsenEmbry-Riddle Aeronautical University
Alexander GabovichProfessor of Physics
Volodymyr KuznetsovNational Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Ihor HukEmeritus, Medical University of Vienna, Professor of surgery
Ivan YaskovetsInstitute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
David McDuffLiterary translator
Bogdan KhalyapinCEO, SPD-Ukraine
Dmytro SinchenkoChairman of the Association of Political Sciences
Eric ChenowethCo-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe
Olena RozvadovskaChild rights advocate
Oleksandr ChumakInstitute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yuri GenenkoProfessor of Physics, Technical University of Darmstadt, Germany
Yakiv PavlenkoMain Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yaroslav RomanyukMain Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Galina IgnatenkoGlobal Production Manager
Maksym AndreevMain Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Petro PohoretskiyInstitute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Serhiy RiabchenkoInstitute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Serge CherevkoWeb programmer
Kateryna MusiienkoAPA in the European Parliament
Anna DremlyugaMilitary serviceperson, Armed Forces of Ukraine
Volodymyr OlinkevychLviv National Academy of Arts
Volodymyr KhovkhunFormer director of the "Higher School" publishing house, translator
Lviv Polytechnik University
Alex BinariyaIT manager
Oleg BezkorovaynyiSoftware developer
Slawka HoszowskiRetired teacher
Petro SydorchukRetired university lecturer
Head of Center for political studies "Doctrine" (Kyiv)
Professor, University of Waterloo
Europa Union Frankfurt and Pulse of Europe Czech Republik
Marko Attila Hoare
Associate Professor, Sarajevo School of Science and Technology
Translator and writer
Ukraine Expert, Germany
Singer, song writer
Chair of the Secretariat, Veterans’ Union of Ukraine
Army Officers Union of Ukraine
Journalist, writer, consultant
Chairperson, Centre for Political Studies "Doctrine"
Deputy head, Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Retired music teacher
President, AGNI - International Roerich Center
Certified expert in accounting and controlling
Boris Alexander Fuge
Senior official, Luxembourg
Director, Centre of Foreign Policy Studies OPAD (Ukraine)
Capitulation Resistance Movement
College of Security and Intelligence, Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University
State border guard service of Ukraine
Member, Democratic Axe Political Party
Ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Lebanon, 2006-2009