[LONGREAD]
Throughout Ukraine’s modern history, America’s Russia policy has played a major role in Ukraine’s affairs. Since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine in 2014, the U.S. has led the international effort to thwart Putin’s war.
As the only country in the world defending itself against armed aggression by Moscow, Ukraine is at the front-line of international efforts to halt the Russian menace.
This is why, in light of the recent renewed calls for “normalizing” relations with Russia, our group of political leaders, experts, and intellectuals from Ukraine and the diaspora feel compelled to contribute to the revived debate on America’s Russia policy.
The world simply cannot afford another American “reset” with Russia. On the contrary, we appeal to the U.S. to pursue a more robust policy to address Moscow’s hostile actions which undermine the global security order.
A new reset based on old narratives
Calls for a new “reset” are grounded in fallacious narratives Moscow has been advancing for years, especially the notion of Russian exceptionalism.
According to the Kremlin, Russia is a nation whose interests have a privileged standing in world affairs, entitled to coerce other nations into its sphere of influence, “protect” Russian speakers anywhere they are, and suppress human rights and freedoms at home under its “managed democracy” form of governance. Moscow is trying to convince the world that Russia is “owed” special consideration for its interests after having been “unjustly victimized” by the West after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Above all, Russia wants to be perceived as a global super power with a leading role in all world affairs.
Putin’s Russia
But the world must face what Russia is today.
An authoritarian mafia regime which relies on the oppressive imperialist, chauvinist, and revanchist ideology of “Russkiy mir”, Russia is the main exporter of various threats and instability in the world.
Putin’s quest for global power, and resulting rivalry with the West, relies on Russia’s aggressive stance to compensate for its lack of economic and technological competitiveness.
The scale of Moscow’s attack on the world order is massive, with liberal democracies as the prime targets. To overpower its opponents, Russia brutally violates international law with actions that unequivocally demonstrate it is a rogue terrorist state threatening global peace:
- armed aggression against Georgia and Ukraine;
- war crime atrocities in Syria, Ukraine, and Georgia;
- nuclear threat against Ukraine and proliferation of nuclear weapons in Russia-occupied Crimea;
- acts of terror abroad: cyber attacks, political assassinations using weapons of mass destruction and chemical warfare, shoot down of passenger jet MH17;
- occupation of sovereign territories of Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine, including the illegal annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region;
- ethnic cleansing, ethnocide, and other gross human rights violations in Russia-occupied territories: politically motivated assassinations, political imprisonments (including 132 Ukrainian political prisoners, seventeen more than just a year ago), extraterritorial prosecutions, intimidation by violence, abduction, unlawful prosecution, and discrimination based on ethnicity and religion;
- political, economic and military support for authoritarian regimes in Belarus, Syria, Venezuela, and elsewhere;
- subversion of democratic processes around the world: interference with UK and Dutch referendums, disinformation warfare attacks on American, Ukrainian, and other elections, attempted coup d'état in Montenegro, backing of political entities with Russia-friendly agendas, including extremist radicals, populists, and neo-Nazi groups;
- subversive, worldwide propaganda effort: disinformation, hate propaganda targeting various social groups and nations, especially Americans and Ukrainians;
- economic pressure and energy blackmail of European nations; etc.
The Kremlin is fixated on undermining the United States in particular because a weakened America will cripple the current international legal order which has restrained Russia’s aggressive ambitions. Moscow craftily exploits anti-American sentiments abroad to find new partners and deprive the U.S. of reliable allies.
Moscow is determined to submit Kyiv to its influence because a free Ukraine is a driver of democratic change in formerly Soviet-occupied nations, threatening Putin’s power projection in the region and beyond. This is why one of the goals of Putin’s “might makes right” strategy is to recreate the 1945 Yalta Conference and redraw the lines of Moscow’s “sphere of influence”. Moscow wants the West to once again agree to sacrifice the sovereignty of nations neighbouring Russia, and legitimize Russia’s global power claims.
Appeasement never works
Reset advocates urge the American government to put the relationship with Russia on a more constructive path. But this move — taken before Moscow ceases its hostile actions — sounds like nothing other than a dressed up strategy of appeasement.
History teaches that dictatorial regimes cannot be appeased. The more concessions dictators manage to extort, the more emboldened they feel.
NATO’s 2008 rejection of Ukraine and Georgia’s applications for the Membership Action Plan set the stage for Russia’s armed aggression against Georgia later that year. The 2009 “reset” of relations primed Russia for its unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. A feeble response of “concern” to Russia’s initial occupation of Crimea emboldened Putin to illegally annex the Ukrainian peninsula.
Constantly shifting red lines, a response of “political dialogue” with Putin when support for Ukraine’s military defence was needed, and American inaction on its obligations under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances paved the way for Moscow’s military invasion and occupation of parts of Ukraine’s Donbas region.
Despite being given every incentive to reverse its destructive course, Russia has continued to escalate its aggression. Putin has chosen not to take any face saving exit because he is counting on cutting a better deal by continuously raising the stakes.
We can only imagine what will follow should Moscow be granted a new reset today.
We encourage the American government to learn from its own past dealings with Russia particularly since today’s criminal regime in Moscow is the same one of the 2009 reset.
Moscow’s aggression must be countered
As we have seen for almost three decades, “political dialogue” with Russia only invites further escalation. Putin uses all means available to him to construct circumstances that strengthen Moscow’s bargaining position vis-a-vis the international community.
The international community has been pursuing the path of diplomacy for years to deal with Russian occupation in Moldova and Georgia with no progress on de-occupation.
The response to Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine went further with the introduction of an international sanctions regime; condemnation of Russia’s violations of international law by national governments and international institutions; removing Russia from the G7; providing Ukraine with military assistance; and impeding the construction of Russia’s subversive Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline with meaningful sanctions.
While the limited sanctions regime helped prevent Russia’s military aggression from dramatically escalating, it did not sufficiently deprive Russia of resources to force Moscow out of Ukraine. A stronger approach is needed.
Different treatment of Moscow’s violations of international law
The approach in dealing with Russia’s violations of international law is radically different from how Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait was repressed just three decades ago. There are two main reasons for this: Moscow’s usurped seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and Russia’s nuclear capability.
Russia’s use of its veto right in the UNSC prevents proper UN action to restore peace to Ukraine, showing a drastic need for reform of this organization. The world is less secure because the UNSC is not capable of performing its core function of promoting world peace.
Exploiting the fear of nuclear confrontation is one of Moscow’s favourite tools of intimidation. Russia has used this threat against Ukraine.
Moscow’s threat of nuclear attack
In 1994, Ukraine gave up the world's third biggest nuclear arsenal in exchange for security assurances from the U.S., Russia, and Great Britain (later, China and France) when it signed the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances and joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
Moscow violated its Budapest Memorandum obligations to never use force - including using the threat of nuclear attack - against Ukraine when Russia used its nuclear status to intimidate Ukraine into constraining its military defence in response to Moscow’s military invasion of Crimea in 2014. Russian state propaganda was threatening to turn Ukraine to ashes, and Russian parliament authorized Putin to use military force in Ukraine, allowing Putin to strike with full military might. Had Ukraine responded militarily in Crimea, it would have increased the risk of a situation that could trigger Russia’s use of nuclear weapons.
A year later, in March 2015, Putin confirmed that such a risk was indeed high, when he acknowledged that during Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014, he was ready to put Russia's nuclear weapons on standby. Despite this nuclear threat hanging over it, when Russia continued its military invasion into eastern Ukraine, threatening to occupy roughly half the country, Kyiv had no option but to respond militarily.
Had it not, Russia would have fragmented the country to the sound of the international community’s diplomatic statements of “concern”.
Importantly, by attacking Ukraine and re-nuclearizing occupied and annexed Crimea, Russia directly undermined the international nuclear non-proliferation regime that the American government had invested enormous efforts to establish.
The Budapest Memorandum confers two clear positive obligations on the U.S. should Ukraine become a victim of an act of aggression. First, “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council action to provide assistance to Ukraine”. Second, to “consult” when Ukraine’s sovereignty is under attack. Regretfully, the U.S. has not fully exhausted the tools available at the United Nations to push back against Russia’s warring regime and restore peace in Ukraine.
The U.S. can still honour its obligation “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council (UNSC) action to provide assistance to Ukraine” by taking action to repress Putin’s aggression at the Security Council.
The obstacle of Russia’s UNSC veto power can be overcome using the U.N.’s “Uniting for Peace” resolution, which provides the General Assembly power to act should the UNSC fail to exercise its responsibility to maintain international peace. Washington should also initiate the suspension of Russia’s vote in the U.N. using the 1974 South African precedent when its delegation was suspended from participation in the GA for crimes of apartheid.
World nuclear stability is safeguarded not only by the number of warheads America and Russia point at each other, but also by the robustness of the security assurances given to the nations, like Ukraine, which joined the non-proliferation regime. If remaining non-nuclear means becoming the prey of nuclear states, nations will continue the arms race.
By fulfilling its legal commitments to Ukraine, America will contribute to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime by reassuring other nations they have support if attack by a nuclear state.
American leadership
It is time for an honest and moral policy towards Russia.
While it is for America to determine its policies, we ask that when designing its Russia policy, the American government remember that a new “reset” of relations will serve to unjustly reward Russia for willfully and flagrantly committing human rights abuses, wars of aggression, war crimes, and other violations of key tenets of international law. It will also condemn millions to live in fear for their lives and liberty.
America cannot become a tacit accomplice to Putin’s dictatorial regime.
In the twenty-first century, we should not allow nations which gravely violate international law to benefit from their own violations. Criminal governments committing atrocities cannot be treated with respect. They should be brought to accountability.
Moscow does not deserve special treatment as a world super power. It should be treated as other rogue nations that threaten world peace. The U.S. has contained the threat of outlaw nations by pursuing policies that isolate them, deprive them of resources for hostile actions, and even repress their aggression with military might. Washington should be consistent and apply the same approach to Russia.
A new “reset” will allow Russia to undermine our societies from within with impunity. The Kremlin is sowing hatred to exploit divisions in our societies. It is corrupting and subverting institutions, co-opting business and political elites, and disarming our societies so we cannot resist its subversion.
We call on the United States not to resign itself to accepting the dominating nationalistic and chauvinistic beliefs of Russian society brainwashed by a steady diet of hateful propaganda. We owe it to the victims of Putin’s crimes around the world to try to change Russia’s ideological “framework” of hatred. We owe it to future generations that may be deprived of democracy and freedom should Putin’s destructive vision for the world prevail.
It is time to stop futilely waiting for Putin’s change of heart.
America and its allies have many tools to drive democratic change in Russia, from supporting pro-democracy and human rights groups, and oppressed national groups, to going after dirty Russian money laundered in the West. They also have the tools to put Moscow in a position where it has no choice but to end its aggressive foreign policies.
The U.S. can help achieve this goal by going after Russian oligarchs and organizations acting as extensions of the Russian government, as well as other accomplices of the Kremlin's aggressive and subversive actions in the West. Russia should be recognized as a state sponsor of terrorism. The Russian “private” “Wagner” army, as well as its occupation administrations in Ukraine, must be recognized as terrorist organizations. Russian officials responsible for violations of human rights and gross violations of international law must be sanctioned. Those responsible for war crimes should be declared war criminals, and submitted to the International Criminal Court for prosecution.
The U.S. has a right to demand that Moscow adhere to the UN Charter. Russia sanctions should be proportional to Moscow’s violations of international law and steadily increased until it changes course.
America can also play a pivotal role by formally and officially recognizing Russia as the aggressor state responsible for waging unlawful interstate war against Ukraine. It is frustrating that for over six years the international community has played along with Moscow’s denial of its role in the multi-vectored war against Ukraine by describing the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine as “Russia-backed separatism”. This recognition of Russia as the aggressor will further unlock the toolkit to help force Russia stop waging war against Ukraine, and help bring about a just peace to the victim.
The US cannot just draw the line at its doorstep to contain Russia. By subverting other nations, Russia becomes stronger and the international legal order weaker. The United States is only as strong as its network of allies around the world. Free and democratic Ukraine is one of America’s partners. A Ukraine subverted and subsumed by Moscow cannot be. This is why we also ask that the United States support Ukraine’s aspirations to join NATO.
Putin has been able to extend Russia’s destructive influence because his aggressive actions have not faced a formidable deterrent. We appeal to the United States to regain its will to build such deterrents to protect world democracy from Russia.
We can stop Putin together. Assertive and principled international action under bold U.S leadership can bring an end to Russia’s destructive ambitions, and make our countries and the world safer from Putin’s threat.
About authors:
Political and legal analyst, Director, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Chair, National Interests Advocacy Network ANTS, Chair Zero Corruption Conference, Member of Ukrainian Parliament and Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs, 2014-2019
Legal expert, Chairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
SIGNATORIES
Viktor Yushchenko
President of Ukraine, 2005-2010
Prime Minister of Ukraine, 1999-2001
Kateryna Yushchenko
First Lady, 2005-2010
Chairperson, Ukraine 3000 Foundation
Mustafa Dzhemilev
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Former Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
Akhtem Chiygoz
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Deputy Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
Putin’s prisoner 2015-2017
Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Chair of the Committee on Ukraine's Integration into the EU
Deputy Prime Minister on European and Euro Atlantic Integration of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Iryna Geraschenko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
First Deputy Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019
Andriy Parubiy
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019
Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine, 2014
Volodymyr Ariev
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Vice-President, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 2015, 2018
President, PACE Committee on Culture, Science, Education ad Media, 2016-2017
Oleksiy Honcharenko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
Iryna Friz
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Minister of Veterans Affairs, 2018-2019
Gerasimov Artur
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykola Kniazhytskyi
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Maria Ionova
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Volodymyr Viatrovych
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Sofia Fedyna
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykola Velychkovich
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Maksym Savrasov
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Mykhaylo Bondar
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Solomiia Bobrovska
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Yulia Klymenko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Andriy Osadchuk
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Yaroslav Yurchyshyn
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Lesia Vasylenko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Sviatoslav Yurash
Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Oksana Syroid
Vice Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament 2014-2019
Hanna Hopko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs
Svitlana Zalishchuk
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Foreign Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ukraine
Oksana Yurynets
Member of the Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Head of Ukrainian Delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly
Leonid Yemets
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2014-2019
Viktor Vovk
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Deputy Head, Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs
Pavlo Rizanenko
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019
Andriy Levus
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Victoria Voytsitska
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Vladyslav Golub
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Oleksii Mushak
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Victoria Ptashnyk
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Ostap Yednak
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network
Natalya Veselova
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Serhiy Vysotskyi
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Olena Sotnyk
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Yaroslav Kendzior
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 1990-1994, 1994-1998, 1998-2002, 2002-2006, 2006-2007, 2007-2012
Stepan Kubiv
First Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Chairman of National Bank of Ukraine, 2014
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014
Pavlo Klimkin
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2014-2019
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Germany, 2012-2014
Volodymyr Ohryzko
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2007-2009
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Austria, 1999-2004
Leonid Polyakov
Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, 2005-2008, 2014
Petro Stetsiuk
Judge of the Constitutional court of Ukraine, 2006-2016
Serhii Haiduk
Admiral, Commander of the Ukrainian Navy, 2014-2016
Serhiy Kvit
Minister of Education of Ukraine, 2014-2016
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Volodymyr Omelyan
Minister of Infrastructure of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Yevhen Nyshchuk
Minister of Culture, 2014, 2016-2019
Dmytro Zolotukhin
Deputy minister of Information Policy of Ukraine, 2017-2019
Valeriy Chaly
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the USA, 2015-2019
Chair, Ukraine Crisis Media Center
Yuriy Shcherbak
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Israel, 1992-1994, the United States,1994-1998, Canada, 2000-2003
Nazar Bobitski
Former Head of the Trade and Economic Section of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union
Yaroslav Sydorovych
Former Head of Reforms Department at Presidential office, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network
Yuri Shymko
Former Member of Canadian Parliament
Former President of the Ukrainian World Congress
Borys Wrzesnewskyj
Former Member of Canadian Parliament
Former Chair of the Canadian NATO Parliamentary Association
Andriy J. Semotiuk
Former Tribunal Panel Member, Canadian Human Rights Commission
Former U.N. Correspondent
Kenneth T. Hepburn
Former Senior Assistant Deputy Minister, Government of Canada
Myroslav Marynovych
First of December Initiative Group
Former Soviet prisoner of conscience
Ihor Kozlovsky
President of the Center for Religious Studies
First of December Initiative Group
Former prisoner of the Russian occupation regime
Joseph Zissels
First of December Initiative Group
Strategic Council of the Capitulation Resistance Movement
Yevhen Zakharov
Chairperson, Kharkiv Human Rights Group
Chairperson, Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Group
First of December Initiative Group
Victor Rud
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian American Bar Association
(in his personal capacity)
Andrij Dobriansky
Chair, UWC International Council on UN Affairs
Ariana Gic
Director, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Adrian Karatnycky
Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council
Walter Zaryckyj
Director, Center for US-Ukrainian Relations
Myroslava Oleksiuk
Canadian Group for Democracy in Ukraine
Marta Farion
President, Kyiv-Mohyla Foundation of America
Rustem Irsay
President, Canadian Association of Crimean Tatars
Mykhailo Zhernakov
Judge of the Vinnytsia District Administrative Court, 2012-2015
Chair, DEJURE Foundation
Oleksandr Potyekhin
Institute of World History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Former Embassy of Ukraine in the USA, 2000-2005
Taras Berezovets
Ukrainian Institute for the Future, CEO at Free Crimea
Kateryna Smagliy
Chief of Foreign Cooperation at Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine
Next Generation Leader, McCain Institute
Olexiy Haran
Research Director, Democratic Initiatives Foundation
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Roman Sohn
Chairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine
Pavlo Zhovnirenko
Chairman, Center for Strategic Studies
Former Chairman of the Bilateral Working Group on International Policy of the American-Ukrainian Advisory Committee,1995 – 1998
Mykhailo Gonchar
President, CGS Strategy XXI
Chief Editor of the Black Sea Security Journal
Nadiia Koval
Foreign Policy Council "Ukrainian Prism"
Maksym Khylko
Chairman, East European Security Research Initiative Foundation
Vitaliy Razik
Director of Law and Democracy Foundation
Dr.Hab. Prof. Borys Babin
Association of Reintegration of Crimea
Volodymyr Horbach
Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
Yevhen Fedchenko
Chief editor, StopFake
Director, Kyiv-Mohyla school of journalism
Sergiy Taran
Director, International Democracy Institute
Yevhen Shkolnyi
Centre for Policy and Legal Reform
Valerii Pekar
National Reforms Council, 2014-2016
Kyiv-Mohyla Business School
Ihor Kozii
Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation
Natalya Belitser
Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy
Oleksandra Matviychuk
Civil Liberties Centre
Olena Rozvadovska
Chairwoman, Voices of Children Fund
Roman Motychak
Ukrainian Financial Forum
Natalia Popovych
Ukrainian Crisis Media Center
Vasyl Myroshnychenko
Ukraine Crisis Media Center
Volodymyr Yermolenko
Internews Ukraine, UkraineWorld.org
Michael P. Hrycak
Lieutenant Colonel, US Army, Retired
Roman Hruby
Former Foreign Service Officer, Global Affairs, Canada
Nicholas A. Turinski
Retired Public Servant, Canadian Federal Government
Alexandra Chalupa
President, Chalupa & Associates
Orest Haluszka
Vice President, Ukrainian Canadian Professional and Business Association
Oksana Bashuk Hepburn
Former President U*CAN Ukraine Canada Relations Inc.
Lada L. Roslycky
Black Trident Defence and Security Consulting Group
Chrystya Wereszczak
President, Women's Association for the Defense of Four Freedoms for Ukraine
Mykola Hryckowian
President, Organization for Defense of Four Freedoms of Ukraine
Lisa Shymko
President, Ukraine Support Fund
Yuri Shevchuk
Columbia University
Vassyl Lonchyna
University of Chicago
George V. Pinchuk
Mississippi University for Women
Ksenia Maryniak
University of Alberta
Maksym Sviezhentsev
Western University
Roman Serbyn
Université du Québec à Montréal
Volodymyr Bilotkach
Singapore Institute of Technology
Volodymyr Bogdanov
University of Lyon
Alex Nikolsko-Rzhevskyy
Lehigh University
Anatoly Oleksiyenko
University of Hong Kong
Igor Aizenberg
Manhattan College, New York
Yuriy V. Kostyuchenko
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
Kateryna Ivashchenko-Stadnik
Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Oleksandr Bakai
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Serhiy Riabchenko
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yaroslav Yatskiv
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Olena Stiazhkina
Institute of Ukraine’s History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Konstantin Sigov
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Olia Hnatiuk
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Warsaw University
Mykola Alexandrov
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
Volodymyr Kuznietsov
Kyiv Law University
Lyudmyla Pavlyuk
Ivan Franko National University of Lviv
Petro Kuzyk
Ivan Franko National University of Lviv
Anatolij Karas
Ivan Franko National University of Lviv
Ostap Kryvdyk
Ukrainian Catholic University
Yulia Navrotska
Ukrainian Catholic University
Ihor Todorov
Uzhhorod National University
Sergiy Fedunyak
Yuriy Fed'kovych Chernivtsi National University
Andriy Pavlyshyn
Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukrainian PEN-Club
Mykola Ryabchuk
Honorary President of the Ukrainian PEN-Club
Victor Morozov
Ukrainian PEN-Club
Oleksiy Panych
Philosopher, Ukrainian PEN-Club
Ihor Kulyk
Director, State archive of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance
Bohdan Ustymenko
Former Principal Deputy Head of the State Hydrographic Service of Ukraine
Nataliia Slobodian
Head of analytics and international division, NPC Ukrenergo
Yuri Kushnir
President, Canada-Ukraine Parliamentary Program Alumni Association
Gennadiy Druzenko
Director for Central and Eastern Europe of Williams WorldWide Group
Mykhailo Golub
Director, TLFRD Ukraine
Andrii Ryzhenko
Maritime Security expert, Captain (Navy) retired
Oleksandr Ivanov
Capitulation Resistance Movement
Liubov Velychko
Investigative journalist
Peter Zalmayev
TV host, Pryamyi
Ayder Muzhdabaev
Journalist, Crimean Tatar ATR TV station
Taras Voznyak
Chief editor, Cultural Magazine "Ї"
Yuriy Lukanov
Journalist, author of “The Press: how Russia destroyed media freedom in Crimea”
Olga Tokariuk
Independent journalist and documentary filmmaker
Dmytro Malyshko
Journalist
Yarema Bachynsky
Analyst
Valentyna Telychenko
Lawyer
Mykhaylo Demkiv
Economist
Vladimir Dubrovskiy
Economist
Yevhen Bystrytsky
Philosopher
Yuriy Vynnychuk
Writer
Andriy Kurkow
Writer
Andriy Lyubka
Writer
Oksana Forostyna
Publisher, writer
Oleksiy Stepanovskiy
IT business executive
Roman Gic
Chartered Professional Accountant
Roman Korol
Engineer
Fedir Bokhovchuk
Biochemist
Yehor Brailian
Historian, journalist
Adrianna Stech
The Ukrainian Society of Hong Kong
Pavel Gintov
Pianist
Rostyslav Domishevskyi
Songwriter
Ulia Lord
Singer and songwriter
Walter Teres
Artistic Director
Akhtem Seitablaiev
Director, actor
Pasha Skorokhodko
Director, actor
Natasha Golimbiyevska
Former Principal Dancer Veryovka National Ukrainian Dance Ensemble
Nazar Stryhun
Producer
Halya Telnyuk
Singer
Lesya Telnyuk
Singer
Fedir Stryhun
Director, Artist
Taisiya Lytvynenko
Artist
Oleh Repetskyi
Producer
Ksenia Maryniak
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta
Oleksandr Marusiak
Centre for Policy and Legal Reform, Ukrainian Bar Association
Vadym Triukhan
Lawyer, diplomat
Igor Buznyts'kyj
Entrepreneur
Andrew Beckwith
Research scientist, gravitational astronomy, physics
Dmytro Malyi
Information Technology specialist
Lyudmyla Pakhucha
Auditor
Carolyn Caldwell
Retired
Robert Ashker Kraft
Musician, Actor
Denise A. Lorenz
Retired-USPS
Mar Kliever
Legal assistant
Sandra Kelly
Retired Biologist
Tal M. Kitron
Attorney
Cynthia Thompson
Retired
Marilyn Brady
Secretary
Brock Madden
Artist
Irena Lasota
Director, IDEE
Beth McKenna
Esq.
Valeriya Balakiryeva
Educator
Janice Jozwiak
Retired
Keith A. Bowden
Office Documents Manager
Lisa McGovern
Teacher
Clarisse Teepe-Fryrear
Retired Educator
John Freeman
Retired
Gracie Marquez
Domestic Engineer
Phyllis Beech-Giraldo
Attorney
Dmytro Lyvynets
Entrepreneur
Ruth Riegler
Editor, co-founder Radio Free Syria
Marita Woods
Dawson Solutions
Kurt Ash
CFO, OGO
Yelena Tkachenko
LA LGBT Center
Markian B. Silecky
Attorney
Julie Parker
Retired Attorney
David Sowards
Professor of the Humanities
Alina Hagen
Retired
Tory Blue
Manager Software Engineering
Lev Havryliv
Medical Practitioner
Annette Rojas
Department Coordinator – Legal & Regulatory Affairs
Walter Derzko
Retired
Hannah Salome
Support worker
Cynthia Thompson
Retired
Brenda Shafiei
Quality Director
Katherine Mrzlak
Writer
Biff Johnson
Programmer / Analyst
Amy Aidman
Professor Emeritus
Olga Lautman
Researcher
Mridula Ghosh
East European Development Institute
Yevgen Pogribnyi
IT programmer
Rachael Iwanczuk
Secretary, United Help Ukraine
Aija Uzulena
Tanslator, Dienas Grāmata Publishers
Yarko Tymciurak
Systems Engineer / Teamwork Trainer
Tanya Chalupa
Author
Tina Sheppard
Retired
Sujit Pal
Data Scientist
Theodor K. Marshallese
Retired
Oleksandr Lobakov
Software Engineer
Igor Solodovnik
Entrepreneur
Suren Kocharyan
Co-founder, Information and Analytical Center Euro Kharkiv
Mariia Zabolotna
Educator
Svetoslav Nahum
Author, Escape from Crimea
Anatoliy Hrebeniuk
Retired
Oles Ilchenko
PEN Ukraine
Peter Tauvers
Geologist
Olena Kravchenko
Retired
Taras Demerson
Performer
Eric Chenoweth
Co-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe
Alexander Grushevsky
International Development Consulting
Ludmyla Semeniuk
Social Services
Svitlana Hubko
Nurse
Dovga Yuliya
Engineer
Myroslav Hai
Director, Foundation "Mir and Co"
Angela Smirnova
Scientist
Freya Perry
Lawyer
Lyudmila Kremena
Medical Doctor
Mykola Mowczan
President, Ukrainian Association of Western Australia Inc.
Volodymyr Maksymiuk
Carpenter
Oleksii Nazarenko
Operator LM Wind Power Blades Poland
Iryna Berliand
Freelancer
Morris Ilyniak
Retired
Steve Lezan
Retired millwright
Ivan Fakovchenko
Freelancer
Olena Sliusarenko
Educator
Dana Bagan
Pharmacist
Sergiy Sokil
Ukrainian Army Sergeant
Yuriy Goncharenko
Capitulation Resistance Movement, Foundation for Assistance of Democratic Initiatives
Strohanova Oksana
Social activist
Nestor Volya
Public initiative #infoWARTA
Tatiana Krol
Teacher
Olga Bertelsen
Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University
Sonya Heaney
Author
Igor Kiyashko
Businessman
Yaroslav Honchar
Aerorozvidka
Igor Kravchenko
Alatyr-Invest
Alexander Gabovich
Professor of Physics
Volodymyr Kuznetsov
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Ihor Huk
Emeritus, Medical University of Vienna, Professor of surgery
Ivan Yaskovets
Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
David McDuff
Literary translator
Bogdan Khalyapin
CEO, SPD-Ukraine
Dmytro Sinchenko
Chairman of the Association of Political Sciences
Sergii Kovalchuk
Businessman
Stepan Koknan
Retired
Eric Chenoweth
Co-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe
Olena Rozvadovska
Child rights advocate
Oleksandr Chumak
Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yuri Genenko
Professor of Physics, Technical University of Darmstadt, Germany
Vladimir Lojko
Retired
Yakiv Pavlenko
Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Yaroslav Romanyuk
Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Olena Levzhynska
Retired
Galina Ignatenko
Global Production Manager
Maksym Andreev
Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Oleg Vlasenko
Freelancer
Petro Pohoretskiy
Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Serhiy Riabchenko
Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Vasyl Maidaniuk
IT-manager
Serge Cherevko
Web programmer
Mehed Viacheslav
Entrepreneur
Kateryna Musiienko
APA in the European Parliament
Anna Dremlyuga
Military serviceperson, Armed Forces of Ukraine
Volodymyr Olinkevych
Lviv National Academy of Arts
Volodymyr Khovkhun
Former director of the "Higher School" publishing house, translator
Oleg Vyshnevskyi
Entrepreneur
Andrii Kadykalo
Lviv Polytechnik University
Alex Binariya
IT manager
Olexandr Chemyrys
Freelancer
Oleg Bezkorovaynyi
Software developer
Slawka Hoszowski
Retired teacher
Oleksander Prisyazhnyuk
Volunteer
Petro Sydorchuk
Retired university lecturer
Anatolii Pochtar
Orthodontist
Boris Alexander Fuge
Senior official, Luxembourg
Kateryna Kalnova
Localization manager
Andriy Gonchar
Chemical Engineer
Olga Bertelsen
College of Security and Intelligence, Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University
Ricardo Mendes
EUwatch
Bella Rozenblat
President, AGNI - International Roerich Center
Michael Bubna
Retired
Anatolii Pochtar
Orthodontist
Yuriy Goncharenko
Capitulation Resistance Movement
David Morgen
Educator
Sergiy Parhomenko
Director, Centre of Foreign Policy Studies OPAD (Ukraine)
Anna Krupina
State border guard service of Ukraine
Orest Rybak
Student
Stefan Keel
Certified expert in accounting and controlling
Martha Fedoriw
Community Activist
Ihor Tereshchenko
Software engineer
Rosanne Milliken
Film Producer
Ivan Semciw
Retired
Volodymyr Pavlov
Engineer
Ludmyla Semeniuk
Social Services
Olena Jemetz
Independent Artist
Feliks Shepel
Student
Olena Levzhynska
Retired
Valentyn Dudarchuk
Retired
Olga Bobyr
QA engineer
Anya Svitla
Linguist
Alexander Martyniuk
Retired teacher
Oleksiy Katsai
Litterateur
Lida Gic
Retired music teacher
Vladislav Tereshchenko
Historian
Iryna Pogorelova
Journalist
Uliana Gic
Lawyer
Yaroslav Bozhko
Chairperson, Centre for Political Studies "Doctrine"
Illya Kikish
Economist
Olha Ansimova
Journalist, writer, consultant
Nikola Peretyatko
Teacher
Oleksandr Varakuta
Army Officers Union of Ukraine
Viktor Tkachenko
Chair of the Secretariat, Veterans’ Union of Ukraine
Myhailo Medvedskyi
Deputy head, Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Borys Zakkharchuk
Ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Lebanon, 2006-2009
Dmytro Nechessa
Member, Democratic Axe Political Party