• Open letter • The world needs an honest American Russia policy

By Ariana Gic, Dr. Hanna Hopko, Roman Sohn, September 25th, 2020

Read the open letter

The relationship between the United States and Russia has a major impact on global peace and security, with direct consequences for Ukraine and other countries dealing daily with Moscow’s threats to their sovereignty.

As the only country in the world defending itself against armed aggression by Moscow, Ukraine is at the front-line of international efforts to halt the Russian menace.

This is why, in light of the recent renewed calls for “normalizing” the U.S. relations with Russia, our group of political leaders, experts, intellectuals, activists, and the public at large from Ukraine and abroad feel compelled to contribute to the revived debate on America’s Russia policy.

The world cannot afford another American “reset” with Russia. Moscow does not deserve special treatment as a world super power. As long as the Kremlin deliberately undermines the global security order, it should be treated as other rogue nations that threaten world peace.

Putin has been able to extend Russia’s destructive influence because his aggressive actions have not faced a formidable deterrent. We appeal to the United States to regain its will to build such deterrents to protect world democracy.

We can stop Putin together. Assertive and principled international action under bold U.S leadership can bring an end to Russia’s destructive ambitions and make our countries and the world safer from Moscow’s threat.

#NoResetWithRussia

 

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[LONGREAD]


Throughout Ukraine’s modern history, America’s Russia policy has played a major role in Ukraine’s affairs. Since the beginning of Russia’s war of aggression on Ukraine in 2014, the U.S. has led the international effort to thwart Putin’s war.

As the only country in the world defending itself against armed aggression by Moscow, Ukraine is at the front-line of international efforts to halt the Russian menace.

This is why, in light of the recent renewed calls for “normalizing” relations with Russia, our group of political leaders, experts, and intellectuals from Ukraine and the diaspora feel compelled to contribute to the revived debate on America’s Russia policy.

The world simply cannot afford another American “reset” with Russia. On the contrary, we appeal to the U.S. to pursue a more robust policy to address Moscow’s hostile actions which undermine the global security order.

A new reset based on old narratives

Calls for a new “reset” are grounded in fallacious narratives Moscow has been advancing for years, especially the notion of Russian exceptionalism.

According to the Kremlin, Russia is a nation whose interests have a privileged standing in world affairs, entitled to coerce other nations into its sphere of influence, “protect” Russian speakers anywhere they are, and suppress human rights and freedoms at home under its “managed democracy” form of governance. Moscow is trying to convince the world that Russia is “owed” special consideration for its interests after having been “unjustly victimized” by the West after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Above all, Russia wants to be perceived as a global super power with a leading role in all world affairs.

Putin’s Russia

But the world must face what Russia is today.

An authoritarian mafia regime which relies on the oppressive imperialist, chauvinist, and revanchist ideology of “Russkiy mir”, Russia is the main exporter of various threats and instability in the world.

Putin’s quest for global power, and resulting rivalry with the West, relies on Russia’s aggressive stance to compensate for its lack of economic and technological competitiveness.

The scale of Moscow’s attack on the world order is massive, with liberal democracies as the prime targets. To overpower its opponents, Russia brutally violates international law with actions that unequivocally demonstrate it is a rogue terrorist state threatening global peace:

  • armed aggression against Georgia and Ukraine;
  • war crime atrocities in Syria, Ukraine, and Georgia;
  • nuclear threat against Ukraine and proliferation of nuclear weapons in Russia-occupied Crimea;
  • acts of terror abroad: cyber attacks, political assassinations using weapons of mass destruction and chemical warfare, shoot down of passenger jet MH17;
  • occupation of sovereign territories of Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine, including the illegal annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region;
  • ethnic cleansing, ethnocide, and other gross human rights violations in Russia-occupied territories: politically motivated assassinations, political imprisonments (including 132 Ukrainian political prisoners, seventeen more than just a year ago), extraterritorial prosecutions, intimidation by violence, abduction, unlawful prosecution, and discrimination based on ethnicity and religion;
  • political, economic and military support for authoritarian regimes in Belarus, Syria, Venezuela, and elsewhere;
  • subversion of democratic processes around the world: interference with UK and Dutch referendums, disinformation warfare attacks on American, Ukrainian, and other elections, attempted coup d'état in Montenegro, backing of political entities with Russia-friendly agendas, including extremist radicals, populists, and neo-Nazi groups;
  • subversive, worldwide propaganda effort: disinformation, hate propaganda targeting various social groups and nations, especially Americans and Ukrainians;
  • economic pressure and energy blackmail of European nations; etc.

The Kremlin is fixated on undermining the United States in particular because a weakened America will cripple the current international legal order which has restrained Russia’s aggressive ambitions. Moscow craftily exploits anti-American sentiments abroad to find new partners and deprive the U.S. of reliable allies.

Moscow is determined to submit Kyiv to its influence because a free Ukraine is a driver of democratic change in formerly Soviet-occupied nations, threatening Putin’s power projection in the region and beyond. This is why one of the goals of Putin’s “might makes right” strategy is to recreate the 1945 Yalta Conference and redraw the lines of Moscow’s “sphere of influence”. Moscow wants the West to once again agree to sacrifice the sovereignty of nations neighbouring Russia, and legitimize Russia’s global power claims.

Appeasement never works

Reset advocates urge the American government to put the relationship with Russia on a more constructive path. But this move — taken before Moscow ceases its hostile actions — sounds like nothing other than a dressed up strategy of appeasement.

History teaches that dictatorial regimes cannot be appeased. The more concessions dictators manage to extort, the more emboldened they feel.

NATO’s 2008 rejection of Ukraine and Georgia’s applications for the Membership Action Plan set the stage for Russia’s armed aggression against Georgia later that year. The 2009 “reset” of relations primed Russia for its unprovoked aggression against Ukraine. A feeble response of “concern” to Russia’s initial occupation of Crimea emboldened Putin to illegally annex the Ukrainian peninsula.

Constantly shifting red lines, a response of “political dialogue” with Putin when support for Ukraine’s military defence was needed, and American inaction on its obligations under the 1994 Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances paved the way for Moscow’s military invasion and occupation of parts of Ukraine’s Donbas region.

Despite being given every incentive to reverse its destructive course, Russia has continued to escalate its aggression. Putin has chosen not to take any face saving exit because he is counting on cutting a better deal by continuously raising the stakes.

We can only imagine what will follow should Moscow be granted a new reset today.

We encourage the American government to learn from its own past dealings with Russia particularly since today’s criminal regime in Moscow is the same one of the 2009 reset.

Moscow’s aggression must be countered

As we have seen for almost three decades, “political dialogue” with Russia only invites further escalation. Putin uses all means available to him to construct circumstances that strengthen Moscow’s bargaining position vis-a-vis the international community.

The international community has been pursuing the path of diplomacy for years to deal with Russian occupation in Moldova and Georgia with no progress on de-occupation.

The response to Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine went further with the introduction of an international sanctions regime; condemnation of Russia’s violations of international law by national governments and international institutions; removing Russia from the G7; providing Ukraine with military assistance; and impeding the construction of Russia’s subversive Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline with meaningful sanctions.

While the limited sanctions regime helped prevent Russia’s military aggression from dramatically escalating, it did not sufficiently deprive Russia of resources to force Moscow out of Ukraine. A stronger approach is needed.

Different treatment of Moscow’s violations of international law

The approach in dealing with Russia’s violations of international law is radically different from how Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait was repressed just three decades ago. There are two main reasons for this: Moscow’s usurped seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and Russia’s nuclear capability.

Russia’s use of its veto right in the UNSC prevents proper UN action to restore peace to Ukraine, showing a drastic need for reform of this organization. The world is less secure because the UNSC is not capable of performing its core function of promoting world peace.

Exploiting the fear of nuclear confrontation is one of Moscow’s favourite tools of intimidation. Russia has used this threat against Ukraine.

Moscow’s threat of nuclear attack

In 1994, Ukraine gave up the world's third biggest nuclear arsenal in exchange for security assurances from the U.S., Russia, and Great Britain (later, China and France) when it signed the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances and joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

Moscow violated its Budapest Memorandum obligations to never use force - including using the threat of nuclear attack - against Ukraine when Russia used its nuclear status to intimidate Ukraine into constraining its military defence in response to Moscow’s military invasion of Crimea in 2014. Russian state propaganda was threatening to turn Ukraine to ashes, and Russian parliament authorized Putin to use military force in Ukraine, allowing Putin to strike with full military might. Had Ukraine responded militarily in Crimea, it would have increased the risk of a situation that could trigger Russia’s use of nuclear weapons.

A year later, in March 2015, Putin confirmed that such a risk was indeed high, when he acknowledged that during Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014, he was ready to put Russia's nuclear weapons on standby. Despite this nuclear threat hanging over it, when Russia continued its military invasion into eastern Ukraine, threatening to occupy roughly half the country, Kyiv had no option but to respond militarily.

Had it not, Russia would have fragmented the country to the sound of the international community’s diplomatic statements of “concern”.

Importantly, by attacking Ukraine and re-nuclearizing occupied and annexed Crimea, Russia directly undermined the international nuclear non-proliferation regime that the American government had invested enormous efforts to establish.

The Budapest Memorandum confers two clear positive obligations on the U.S. should Ukraine become a victim of an act of aggression. First, “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council action to provide assistance to Ukraine”. Second, to “consult” when Ukraine’s sovereignty is under attack. Regretfully, the U.S. has not fully exhausted the tools available at the United Nations to push back against Russia’s warring regime and restore peace in Ukraine.

The U.S. can still honour its obligation “to seek immediate United Nations Security Council (UNSC) action to provide assistance to Ukraine” by taking action to repress Putin’s aggression at the Security Council.

The obstacle of Russia’s UNSC veto power can be overcome using the U.N.’s “Uniting for Peace” resolution, which provides the General Assembly power to act should the UNSC fail to exercise its responsibility to maintain international peace. Washington should also initiate the suspension of Russia’s vote in the U.N. using the 1974 South African precedent when its delegation was suspended from participation in the GA for crimes of apartheid.

World nuclear stability is safeguarded not only by the number of warheads America and Russia point at each other, but also by the robustness of the security assurances given to the nations, like Ukraine, which joined the non-proliferation regime. If remaining non-nuclear means becoming the prey of nuclear states, nations will continue the arms race.

By fulfilling its legal commitments to Ukraine, America will contribute to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime by reassuring other nations they have support if attack by a nuclear state.

American leadership

It is time for an honest and moral policy towards Russia.

While it is for America to determine its policies, we ask that when designing its Russia policy, the American government remember that a new “reset” of relations will serve to unjustly reward Russia for willfully and flagrantly committing human rights abuses, wars of aggression, war crimes, and other violations of key tenets of international law. It will also condemn millions to live in fear for their lives and liberty.

America cannot become a tacit accomplice to Putin’s dictatorial regime.

In the twenty-first century, we should not allow nations which gravely violate international law to benefit from their own violations. Criminal governments committing atrocities cannot be treated with respect. They should be brought to accountability.

Moscow does not deserve special treatment as a world super power. It should be treated as other rogue nations that threaten world peace. The U.S. has contained the threat of outlaw nations by pursuing policies that isolate them, deprive them of resources for hostile actions, and even repress their aggression with military might. Washington should be consistent and apply the same approach to Russia.

A new “reset” will allow Russia to undermine our societies from within with impunity. The Kremlin is sowing hatred to exploit divisions in our societies. It is corrupting and subverting institutions, co-opting business and political elites, and disarming our societies so we cannot resist its subversion.

We call on the United States not to resign itself to accepting the dominating nationalistic and chauvinistic beliefs of Russian society brainwashed by a steady diet of hateful propaganda. We owe it to the victims of Putin’s crimes around the world to try to change Russia’s ideological “framework” of hatred. We owe it to future generations that may be deprived of democracy and freedom should Putin’s destructive vision for the world prevail.

It is time to stop futilely waiting for Putin’s change of heart.

America and its allies have many tools to drive democratic change in Russia, from supporting pro-democracy and human rights groups, and oppressed national groups, to going after dirty Russian money laundered in the West. They also have the tools to put Moscow in a position where it has no choice but to end its aggressive foreign policies.

The U.S. can help achieve this goal by going after Russian oligarchs and organizations acting as extensions of the Russian government, as well as other accomplices of the Kremlin's aggressive and subversive actions in the West. Russia should be recognized as a state sponsor of terrorism. The Russian “private” “Wagner” army, as well as its occupation administrations in Ukraine, must be recognized as terrorist organizations. Russian officials responsible for violations of human rights and gross violations of international law must be sanctioned. Those responsible for war crimes should be declared war criminals, and submitted to the International Criminal Court for prosecution.

The U.S. has a right to demand that Moscow adhere to the UN Charter. Russia sanctions should be proportional to Moscow’s violations of international law and steadily increased until it changes course.

America can also play a pivotal role by formally and officially recognizing Russia as the aggressor state responsible for waging unlawful interstate war against Ukraine. It is frustrating that for over six years the international community has played along with Moscow’s denial of its role in the multi-vectored war against Ukraine by describing the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine as “Russia-backed separatism”. This recognition of Russia as the aggressor will further unlock the toolkit to help force Russia stop waging war against Ukraine, and help bring about a just peace to the victim.

The US cannot just draw the line at its doorstep to contain Russia. By subverting other nations, Russia becomes stronger and the international legal order weaker. The United States is only as strong as its network of allies around the world. Free and democratic Ukraine is one of America’s partners. A Ukraine subverted and subsumed by Moscow cannot be. This is why we also ask that the United States support Ukraine’s aspirations to join NATO.

Putin has been able to extend Russia’s destructive influence because his aggressive actions have not faced a formidable deterrent. We appeal to the United States to regain its will to build such deterrents to protect world democracy from Russia.

We can stop Putin together. Assertive and principled international action under bold U.S leadership can bring an end to Russia’s destructive ambitions, and make our countries and the world safer from Putin’s threat.

 

About authors:

Ariana Gic

Political and legal analyst, Director, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine

Dr. Hanna Hopko

Chair, National Interests Advocacy Network ANTS, Chair Zero Corruption Conference, Member of Ukrainian Parliament and Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs, 2014-2019

Roman Sohn

Legal expert, Chairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine

SIGNATORIES

Viktor Yushchenko

President of Ukraine, 2005-2010
Prime Minister of Ukraine, 1999-2001

Kateryna Yushchenko

First Lady, 2005-2010
Chairperson, Ukraine 3000 Foundation


Mustafa Dzhemilev

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Former Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People


Akhtem Chiygoz

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Deputy Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
Putin’s prisoner 2015-2017

Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Chair of the Committee on Ukraine's Integration into the EU
Deputy Prime Minister on European and Euro Atlantic Integration of Ukraine, 2016-2019

Iryna Geraschenko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
First Deputy Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019

Andriy Parubiy

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament, 2016-2019
Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine, 2014

Volodymyr Ariev

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Vice-President, Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 2015, 2018
President, PACE Committee on Culture, Science, Education ad Media, 2016-2017


Oleksiy Honcharenko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe


Iryna Friz

Member of Ukrainian Parliament
Minister of Veterans Affairs, 2018-2019

Gerasimov Artur

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Mykola Kniazhytskyi

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Maria Ionova

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Volodymyr Viatrovych

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Sofia Fedyna

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Mykola Velychkovich

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Maksym Savrasov

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Mykhaylo Bondar

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Solomiia Bobrovska

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Yulia Klymenko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Andriy Osadchuk

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Yaroslav Yurchyshyn

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Lesia Vasylenko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Sviatoslav Yurash

Member of Ukrainian Parliament

Oksana Syroid

Vice Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament 2014-2019

Hanna Hopko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Chairwoman of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs

Svitlana Zalishchuk

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Foreign Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ukraine

Oksana Yurynets

Member of the Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Head of Ukrainian Delegation to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly

Leonid Yemets

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 2014-2019

Viktor Vovk

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
Former Deputy Head, Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs

Pavlo Rizanenko

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014, 2014-2019

Andriy Levus

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Victoria Voytsitska

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Vladyslav Golub

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Oleksii Mushak

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Victoria Ptashnyk

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Ostap Yednak

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network

Natalya Veselova

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Serhiy Vysotskyi

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Olena Sotnyk

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2014-2019

Yaroslav Kendzior

Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 1990-1994, 1994-1998, 1998-2002, 2002-2006, 2006-2007, 2007-2012

Stepan Kubiv

First Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine, 2016-2019
Chairman of National Bank of Ukraine, 2014
Member of Ukrainian Parliament, 2012-2014


Pavlo Klimkin

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2014-2019
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Germany, 2012-2014


Volodymyr Ohryzko

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, 2007-2009
Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Austria, 1999-2004

Leonid Polyakov

Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, 2005-2008, 2014

Petro Stetsiuk

Judge of the Constitutional court of Ukraine, 2006-2016

Serhii Haiduk

Admiral, Commander of the Ukrainian Navy, 2014-2016

Serhiy Kvit

Minister of Education of Ukraine, 2014-2016
National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”

Volodymyr Omelyan

Minister of Infrastructure of Ukraine, 2016-2019

Yevhen Nyshchuk

Minister of Culture, 2014, 2016-2019

Dmytro Zolotukhin

Deputy minister of Information Policy of Ukraine, 2017-2019

Valeriy Chaly

Former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the USA, 2015-2019
Chair, Ukraine Crisis Media Center

Yuriy Shcherbak

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to Israel, 1992-1994, the United States,1994-1998, Canada, 2000-2003

Nazar Bobitski

Former Head of the Trade and Economic Section of the Mission of Ukraine to the European Union

Yaroslav Sydorovych

Former Head of Reforms Department at Presidential office, 2014-2019
ANTS National Interests Advocacy Network

Yuri Shymko

Former Member of Canadian Parliament
Former President of the Ukrainian World Congress

Andriy J. Semotiuk

Former Tribunal Panel Member, Canadian Human Rights Commission
Former U.N. Correspondent

Kenneth T. Hepburn

Former Senior Assistant Deputy Minister, Government of Canada

Myroslav Marynovych

First of December Initiative Group
Former Soviet prisoner of conscience

Ihor Kozlovsky

President of the Center for Religious Studies
First of December Initiative Group
Former prisoner of the Russian occupation regime

Joseph Zissels

First of December Initiative Group
Strategic Council of the Capitulation Resistance Movement


Yevhen Zakharov

Chairperson, Kharkiv Human Rights Group
Chairperson, Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Group
First of December Initiative Group


Victor Rud

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Ukrainian American Bar Association
(in his personal capacity)


Andrij Dobriansky

Chair, UWC International Council on UN Affairs

Ariana Gic

Director, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine

Adrian Karatnycky

Senior Fellow, Atlantic Council

Walter Zaryckyj

Director, Center for US-Ukrainian Relations

Myroslava Oleksiuk

Canadian Group for Democracy in Ukraine

Marta Farion

President, Kyiv-Mohyla Foundation of America

Rustem Irsay

President, Canadian Association of Crimean Tatars

Mykhailo Zhernakov

Judge of the Vinnytsia District Administrative Court, 2012-2015
Chair, DEJURE Foundation


Oleksandr Potyekhin

Institute of World History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Former Embassy of Ukraine in the USA, 2000-2005

Taras Berezovets

Ukrainian Institute for the Future, CEO at Free Crimea

Kateryna Smagliy

Chief of Foreign Cooperation at Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine
Next Generation Leader, McCain Institute


Olexiy Haran

Research Director, Democratic Initiatives Foundation
University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”

Roman Sohn

Chairman, Direct Initiative International Centre for Ukraine

Pavlo Zhovnirenko

Chairman, Center for Strategic Studies
Former Chairman of the Bilateral Working Group on International Policy of the American-Ukrainian Advisory Committee,1995 – 1998


Mykhailo Gonchar

President, CGS Strategy XXI
Chief Editor of the Black Sea Security Journal


Nadiia Koval

Foreign Policy Council "Ukrainian Prism"

Maksym Khylko

Chairman, East European Security Research Initiative Foundation

Vitaliy Razik

Director of Law and Democracy Foundation

Dr.Hab. Prof. Borys Babin

Association of Reintegration of Crimea

Volodymyr Horbach

Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation

Yevhen Fedchenko

Chief editor, StopFake
Director, Kyiv-Mohyla school of journalism


Sergiy Taran

Director, International Democracy Institute

Yevhen Shkolnyi

Centre for Policy and Legal Reform

Valerii Pekar

National Reforms Council, 2014-2016
Kyiv-Mohyla Business School

Ihor Kozii

Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation

Natalya Belitser

Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy

Oleksandra Matviychuk

Civil Liberties Centre

Olena Rozvadovska

Chairwoman, Voices of Children Fund

Roman Motychak

Ukrainian Financial Forum

Natalia Popovych

Ukrainian Crisis Media Center

Vasyl Myroshnychenko

Ukraine Crisis Media Center

Volodymyr Yermolenko

Internews Ukraine, UkraineWorld.org

Michael P. Hrycak

Lieutenant Colonel, US Army, Retired

Roman Hruby

Former Foreign Service Officer, Global Affairs, Canada

Nicholas A. Turinski

Retired Public Servant, Canadian Federal Government

Alexandra Chalupa

President, Chalupa & Associates

Orest Haluszka

Vice President, Ukrainian Canadian Professional and Business Association

Oksana Bashuk Hepburn

Former President U*CAN Ukraine Canada Relations Inc.

Lada L. Roslycky

Black Trident Defence and Security Consulting Group

Chrystya Wereszczak

President, Women's Association for the Defense of Four Freedoms for Ukraine

Mykola Hryckowian

President, Organization for Defense of Four Freedoms of Ukraine

Lisa Shymko

President, Ukraine Support Fund

Yuri Shevchuk

Columbia University

Vassyl Lonchyna

University of Chicago

George V. Pinchuk

Mississippi University for Women

Ksenia Maryniak

University of Alberta

Maksym Sviezhentsev

Western University

Roman Serbyn

Université du Québec à Montréal

Volodymyr Bilotkach

Singapore Institute of Technology

Volodymyr Bogdanov

University of Lyon

Alex Nikolsko-Rzhevskyy

Lehigh University

Anatoly Oleksiyenko

University of Hong Kong

Igor Aizenberg

Manhattan College, New York

Yuriy V. Kostyuchenko

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv

Kateryna Ivashchenko-Stadnik

Institute of Sociology, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Oleksandr Bakai

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Serhiy Riabchenko

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Yaroslav Yatskiv

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Olena Stiazhkina

Institute of Ukraine’s History, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Konstantin Sigov

National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”

Olia Hnatiuk

National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
Warsaw University

Mykola Alexandrov

Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv

Volodymyr Kuznietsov

Kyiv Law University

Lyudmyla Pavlyuk

Ivan Franko National University of Lviv

Petro Kuzyk

Ivan Franko National University of Lviv

Anatolij Karas

Ivan Franko National University of Lviv

Ostap Kryvdyk

Ukrainian Catholic University

Yulia Navrotska

Ukrainian Catholic University

Ihor Todorov

Uzhhorod National University

Sergiy Fedunyak

Yuriy Fed'kovych Chernivtsi National University

Andriy Pavlyshyn

Ukrainian Catholic University, Ukrainian PEN-Club

Mykola Ryabchuk

Honorary President of the Ukrainian PEN-Club

Victor Morozov

Ukrainian PEN-Club

Oleksiy Panych

Philosopher, Ukrainian PEN-Club

Ihor Kulyk

Director, State archive of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance

Bohdan Ustymenko

Former Principal Deputy Head of the State Hydrographic Service of Ukraine

Nataliia Slobodian

Head of analytics and international division, NPC Ukrenergo

Yuri Kushnir

President, Canada-Ukraine Parliamentary Program Alumni Association

Gennadiy Druzenko

Director for Central and Eastern Europe of Williams WorldWide Group

Mykhailo Golub

Director, TLFRD Ukraine

Andrii Ryzhenko

Maritime Security expert, Captain (Navy) retired

Oleksandr Ivanov

Capitulation Resistance Movement

Liubov Velychko

Investigative journalist

Peter Zalmayev

TV host, Pryamyi

Ayder Muzhdabaev

Journalist, Crimean Tatar ATR TV station

Taras Voznyak

Chief editor, Cultural Magazine "Ї"

Yuriy Lukanov

Journalist, author of “The Press: how Russia destroyed media freedom in Crimea”

Olga Tokariuk

Independent journalist and documentary filmmaker

Dmytro Malyshko

Journalist

Yarema Bachynsky

Analyst

Valentyna Telychenko

Lawyer

Mykhaylo Demkiv

Economist

Vladimir Dubrovskiy

Economist

Yevhen Bystrytsky

Philosopher

Yuriy Vynnychuk

Writer

Andriy Kurkow

Writer

Andriy Lyubka

Writer

Oksana Forostyna

Publisher, writer

Oleksiy Stepanovskiy

IT business executive

Roman Gic

Chartered Professional Accountant

Roman Korol

Engineer

Fedir Bokhovchuk

Biochemist

Yehor Brailian

Historian, journalist

Adrianna Stech

The Ukrainian Society of Hong Kong

Pavel Gintov

Pianist

Rostyslav Domishevskyi

Songwriter

Ulia Lord

Singer and songwriter

Walter Teres

Artistic Director

Akhtem Seitablaiev

Director, actor

Pasha Skorokhodko

Director, actor

Natasha Golimbiyevska

Former Principal Dancer Veryovka National Ukrainian Dance Ensemble

Nazar Stryhun

Producer

Halya Telnyuk

Singer

Lesya Telnyuk

Singer

Fedir Stryhun

Director, Artist

Taisiya Lytvynenko

Artist

Oleh Repetskyi

Producer

Ksenia Maryniak

Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta

Oleksandr Marusiak

Centre for Policy and Legal Reform, Ukrainian Bar Association

Vadym Triukhan

Lawyer, diplomat

Igor Buznyts'kyj

Entrepreneur

Andrew Beckwith

Research scientist, gravitational astronomy, physics

Dmytro Malyi

Information Technology specialist

Lyudmyla Pakhucha

Auditor

Carolyn Caldwell

Retired

Robert Ashker Kraft

Musician, Actor

Denise A. Lorenz

Retired-USPS

Mar Kliever

Legal assistant

Sandra Kelly

Retired Biologist

Tal M. Kitron

Attorney

Cynthia Thompson

Retired

Marilyn Brady

Secretary

Brock Madden

Artist

Irena Lasota

Director, IDEE

Beth McKenna

Esq.

Valeriya Balakiryeva

Educator

Janice Jozwiak

Retired

Keith A. Bowden

Office Documents Manager

Lisa McGovern

Teacher

Clarisse Teepe-Fryrear

Retired Educator

John Freeman

Retired

Gracie Marquez

Domestic Engineer

Phyllis Beech-Giraldo

Attorney

Dmytro Lyvynets

Entrepreneur

Ruth Riegler

Editor, co-founder Radio Free Syria

Marita Woods

Dawson Solutions

Kurt Ash

CFO, OGO

Yelena Tkachenko

LA LGBT Center

Markian B. Silecky

Attorney

Julie Parker

Retired Attorney

David Sowards

Professor of the Humanities

Alina Hagen

Retired

Tory Blue

Manager Software Engineering

Lev Havryliv

Medical Practitioner

Annette Rojas

Department Coordinator – Legal & Regulatory Affairs

Walter Derzko

Retired

Hannah Salome

Support worker

Cynthia Thompson

Retired

Brenda Shafiei

Quality Director

Katherine Mrzlak

Writer

Biff Johnson

Programmer / Analyst

Amy Aidman

Professor Emeritus

Olga Lautman

Researcher

Mridula Ghosh

East European Development Institute

Yevgen Pogribnyi

IT programmer

Rachael Iwanczuk

Secretary, United Help Ukraine

Aija Uzulena

Tanslator, Dienas Grāmata Publishers

Yarko Tymciurak

Systems Engineer / Teamwork Trainer

Tanya Chalupa

Author

Tina Sheppard

Retired

Sujit Pal

Data Scientist

Theodor K. Marshallese

Retired

Oleksandr Lobakov

Software Engineer

Igor Solodovnik

Entrepreneur

Suren Kocharyan

Co-founder, Information and Analytical Center Euro Kharkiv

Mariia Zabolotna

Educator

Svetoslav Nahum

Author, Escape from Crimea

Anatoliy Hrebeniuk

Retired

Oles Ilchenko

PEN Ukraine

Peter Tauvers

Geologist

Olena Kravchenko

Retired

Taras Demerson

Performer

Eric Chenoweth

Co-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe

Alexander Grushevsky

International Development Consulting

Ludmyla Semeniuk

Social Services

Svitlana Hubko

Nurse

Dovga Yuliya

Engineer

Myroslav Hai

Director, Foundation "Mir and Co"

Angela Smirnova

Scientist

Freya Perry

Lawyer

Lyudmila Kremena

Medical Doctor

Mykola Mowczan

President, Ukrainian Association of Western Australia Inc.

Volodymyr Maksymiuk

Carpenter

Oleksii Nazarenko

Operator LM Wind Power Blades Poland

Iryna Berliand

Freelancer

Morris Ilyniak

Retired

Steve Lezan

Retired millwright

Ivan Fakovchenko

Freelancer

Olena Sliusarenko

Educator

Dana Bagan

Pharmacist

Sergiy Sokil

Ukrainian Army Sergeant

Yuriy Goncharenko

Capitulation Resistance Movement, Foundation for Assistance of Democratic Initiatives

Strohanova Oksana

Social activist

Nestor Volya

Public initiative #infoWARTA

Tatiana Krol

Teacher

Olga Bertelsen

Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University

Sonya Heaney

Author

Igor Kiyashko

Businessman

Yaroslav Honchar

Aerorozvidka

Igor Kravchenko

Alatyr-Invest

Alexander Gabovich

Professor of Physics

Volodymyr Kuznetsov

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Ihor Huk

Emeritus, Medical University of Vienna, Professor of surgery

Ivan Yaskovets

Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

David McDuff

Literary translator

Bogdan Khalyapin

CEO, SPD-Ukraine

Dmytro Sinchenko

Chairman of the Association of Political Sciences

Sergii Kovalchuk

Businessman

Stepan Koknan

Retired

Eric Chenoweth

Co-Director, Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe

Olena Rozvadovska

Child rights advocate

Oleksandr Chumak

Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Yuri Genenko

Professor of Physics, Technical University of Darmstadt, Germany

Vladimir Lojko

Retired

Yakiv Pavlenko

Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Yaroslav Romanyuk

Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Olena Levzhynska

Retired

Galina Ignatenko

Global Production Manager

Maksym Andreev

Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Oleg Vlasenko

Freelancer

Petro Pohoretskiy

Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Serhiy Riabchenko

Institute of Physics, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Vasyl Maidaniuk

IT-manager

Serge Cherevko

Web programmer

Mehed Viacheslav

Entrepreneur

Kateryna Musiienko

APA in the European Parliament

Anna Dremlyuga

Military serviceperson, Armed Forces of Ukraine

Volodymyr Olinkevych

Lviv National Academy of Arts

Volodymyr Khovkhun

Former director of the "Higher School" publishing house, translator

Oleg Vyshnevskyi

Entrepreneur
Andrii Kadykalo
Lviv Polytechnik University


Alex Binariya

IT manager

Olexandr Chemyrys

Freelancer

Oleg Bezkorovaynyi

Software developer

Slawka Hoszowski

Retired teacher

Oleksander Prisyazhnyuk

Volunteer

Sergiy Parhomenko

Director, Centre of Foreign Policy Studies OPAD (Ukraine)

Kateryna Kalnova

Localization manager

Andriy Gonchar

Chemical Engineer

Olga Bertelsen

College of Security and Intelligence, Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University

Ricardo Mendes

EUwatch

Bella Rozenblat

President, AGNI - International Roerich Center

Michael Bubna

Retired

Anatolii Pochtar

Orthodontist

Yuriy Goncharenko

Capitulation Resistance Movement

David Morgen

Educator

Anna Krupina

State border guard service of Ukraine

Boris Alexander Fuge

Senior official, Luxembourg

Orest Rybak

Student

Stefan Keel

Certified expert in accounting and controlling

Martha Fedoriw

Community Activist

Ihor Tereshchenko

Software engineer

Rosanne Milliken

Film Producer

Ivan Semciw

Retired

Volodymyr Pavlov

Engineer

Ludmyla Semeniuk

Social Services

Feliks Shepel

Student

Olena Levzhynska

Retired

Valentyn Dudarchuk

Retired

Olga Bobyr

QA engineer

Anya Svitla

Linguist

Alexander Martyniuk

Retired teacher

Oleksiy Katsai

Litterateur

Lida Gic

Retired music teacher

Vladislav Tereshchenko

Historian

Iryna Pogorelova

Journalist

Uliana Gic

Lawyer

Yaroslav Bozhko

Chairperson, Centre for Political Studies "Doctrine"

Illya Kikish

Economist

Olha Ansimova

Journalist, writer, consultant

Nikola Peretyatko

Teacher

Oleksandr Varakuta

Army Officers Union of Ukraine

Viktor Tkachenko

Chair of the Secretariat, Veterans’ Union of Ukraine

Myhailo Medvedskyi

Deputy head, Main Astronomical Observatory, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine

Borys Zakkharchuk

Ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Lebanon, 2006-2009

Dmytro Nechessa

Member, Democratic Axe Political Party